It is acknowledged that earlier literature on globally mobile children has a tendency to overemphasise the problematic and negative aspects of an international childhood, understating the developmental opportunities of an international childhood (Adams, 2014, Adams, 2016; Korpela, 2016). Three studies noted the advantages of such an upbringing (Ebbeck & Reus, 2005; Dixon & Hayden, 2008; Bagnall, 2012). For example, Dixon & Hayden’s (2008) study at an international school in Thailand of 30 newly arrived children (ages 10–11) observed that while children grieved the loss of friends and extended family, they also demonstrated strong feelings of excitement when joining a new international school in Thailand, hence supporting MMT theory that individuals can experience positive and negative transition experiences simultaneously across multiple domains and contexts. Developing new friendships, meeting their teachers, and learning about the local culture were all identified as positive aspects of the international experience. Similarly, Ebbeck & Reus (2005) interviewed children (n = 11, age 8) about their experiences of joining a new international school in Singapore. They found that after eight weeks, all children reported positive feelings about the school, suggesting the immediate emotional challenges subsided after a short period. However, both the aforementioned studies used data collection methods (online questionnaire and interviews respectively) rather than creative methods which could be more suited to children (e.g. drama, sketches, boardgames). In another study, Bagnall (2012) found that participants (ages 15–19) at an international school in Brazil either missed their previous local community life or relished the international opportunity of different languages and customs, hence highlighting the personal nature of transitions (MMT theory). Caution, however, must be taken when interpreting the results as the School Principal purposively selected the students in this study. When analysing studies on school pupils, it is also worth noting that children and adolescents are likely to have distinct transition experiences due to their different stages of development (Jindal-Snape, 2016).

Korpela (2016) carried out a 10-month ethnographical study of the experiences of mobile children (ages 3–12) living in Goa, India. She found that the children were comfortable living in multiple cultures and did not wish to stay in one place in the future. She concluded that children were not lacking a sense of belonging but rather profited from the rich and varied experiences associated with a mobile lifestyle. However, it is unclear to what extent their parents and family connectedness influenced the views of the child participants as parents’ perspectives were not considered. Therefore, it is difficult to establish the potential interaction between different family member’s experiences, as posited by MMT theory. Furthermore, the lack of transparency in the paper’s methodology section and lower Weight of Evidence should be borne in mind when interpreting these findings.

A paper by Adams (2016) used a longitudinal multiple case study approach across home and school contexts involving one five year old in Malaysia and found parents prioritised their children’s social interaction when moving to a new country. Play dates were used as tools to support building new friendships, which are central to growth and a positive transition. In an earlier paper, Adams (2014) found that attending a new school was one of the first stable routines that the child undertook as it provided the child with both stability and progress in their new life. The paper presents a different perspective of children and international transition, in that the emotions experienced during international transition is viewed as dynamic and part of the child’s whole process of development, hence a move away from isolating one form of emotion, such as shock or grief found in earlier studies (Fail, Thompson & Walker, 2004; Gilbert, 2008).

The literature reviewed reported evidence that children who move abroad due to their parent’s employment, experience feelings of loss and anxiety (Ebbeck & Reus, 2005; McLachlan, 2007; Dixon & Hayden, 2008; Gilbert, 2008). In accordance with MMT theory, transitions within parents’ professional domains appeared to trigger transitions for children across several studies. Indeed, losing old friends and leaving extended family (psychological, social and educational domains all impacted) were identified as critical challenges for children. For example, Dixon & Hayden’s (2008) study (see Table 7) noted children experienced a strong sense of loss concerning leaving their old school (educational transitions), extended family, friends, and pets (social transitions) behind. However, the study used a computer-based questionnaire for children aged 10–11 and may have potentially impacted the type of responses provided, as children may have been ‘led’ into choosing a response. Echoing these findings, McLachlan (2007) explored the experiences of 45 globally mobile families at an international school in England. She found that adolescents (ages 13–14) in her study experienced stress and emotional pain during the relocation to their new school, suggesting participants experienced negative transitions within their educational and psychological domains. Both of the studies mentioned above were cross-sectional and therefore, do not tell us how children’s feelings of loss and anxiety may change over time. As transition is a process that unfolds over time, a longitudinal study would offer a stronger base from which to make these arguments. For example, a longitudinal study conducted by Ebbeck & Reus (2005) which explored children’s (n = 11, age 8) feelings after immediately joining an international school in Singapore and again after eight weeks, reported that children felt vulnerable and nervous when starting the new school but that these feelings subsided after eight weeks. Grieving the loss of old friends and not having a sense of belonging to their new school were all identified as the immediate emotional challenges for the children in the study. However, it is questionable whether a study with a duration of only eight weeks can be considered longitudinal.

Alongside experiencing varying degrees of loss and homesickness (psychological transitions), five studies reported that children expressed anxiety about their ability to make new friends (social transitions). Dixon & Hayden (2008) observed that levels of worry about building new friendships did not reduce according to the number of international moves. Similarly, Weeks, Weeks & Willis-Muller (2009) observed that teenagers (n = 18, ages 14–19) who moved to a new international school in Shanghai were more worried about making friends and fitting in within their new school environment rather than learning the local language and forming social networks outside school. It should, however, be borne in mind that all the studies above conducted their research only within international school settings. It would, therefore, be useful to explore additional contexts, such as the home or local community in order to provide a broader understanding of children’s experiences of international transitions. By exploring different MMT contexts, it is also possible that participants might report different experiences.

The literature on ATCKs has also highlighted feelings of loss and anxiety when examining the retrospective experiences of an international childhood (Fail et al., 2004; Gilbert, 2008; Lijadi & van Schalkwyk, 2014). Gilbert (2008), for example, conducted 43 in-depth interviews with ATCKs exploring their international childhood experiences. She observed that ATCKs childhoods involved grief and loss, and that these feelings were reported to have extended into adulthood, hence suggesting participants navigated negative psychological transitions. However, as over 70% of the ATCKs in her study were Americans, the results are somewhat biased towards one nation and/or culture. Comparably, participants in Lijadi & van Schalkwyk’s (2014) study seemed to be experiencing multiple social transitions as participants were reportedly anxious to commit and build close friendships with peers, for fear of later separation. Similarly, Fail et al. (2004) conducted a multiple case study examining the lives of 11 former international students. Participants in their study appeared to experience transitions within their psychological and identity domains as they observed a loss of identity and belonging while growing up in different countries, and these challenges were found to extend into adulthood. It should be noted that while these ATCKs studies provide us with some understanding of the long-term impact of a mobile childhood, they do not give us any insight into current perspectives of international transition experiences. This is because they rely on individual’s memories, which usually only retain critical incidents and airbrush issues which can be both positive and negative. Moreover, such retrospective studies can be critiqued for lacking a multi-informant perspective which is central to understanding the multi-dimensional nature of transitions.

Five studies made mention of children’s anger and frustration when moving abroad, providing insights into potential strategies that can support transitions. A key concern identified was children’s powerless positioning within the whole transition experience (Dixon & Hayden, 2008; Rosenbusch & Cseh, 2012; Hannaford & Beavis, 2018). In their longitudinal case study (n = 20, ages 8–13), Hannaford & Beavis (2018) reported that children’s feelings had been overlooked by parents, resulting in heightened emotional frustration for the children. They reported on one case study and found that during the early weeks, the children grieved their ‘old’ household possessions as they awaited the shipment of their household possession e.g. toys, access to a computer and online membership of ‘Club Penguin’ etc. They noted that membership of an online world (e.g. ‘Club Penguin’), offered these children a familiar place to reconnect with old friends and a sense of belonging during the challenging period of immediate adjustment.

Similarly, Adam & Fleer (2015) observed the significance of children’s belongings in alleviating frustration during an international transition. In their case study examining the experiences of one Australian family moving from Malaysia to Saudi Arabia, they found personal belongings acted as a cultural tool for facilitating family transition. It was found that the subsequent reunion with belongings signified how belongings embody emotional meaning for children, alleviate frustration during transition, and help facilitate connections with home. Comparably, frustration and repressed anger were reported by Lijadi & van Schalkwyk (2014) to play a significant role during ATCKs developmental years as a result of repeated farewells, reflecting the high turnover of students in international schools. They concluded that the ATCKs in their study used avoidance strategies to cope with the loss of friends during their international childhood. A shortcoming of the studies addressing children’s experiences is that they do not consider the broader context of the child in transition. Indeed, as transition is a multi-dimensional process, it would also be useful to explore how a child’s anger and frustration during transition might potentially impact other family members.

Four out of the six studies talked about the social and emotional advantages that parents, and families as a whole, experience when moving abroad (McLachlan, 2007; Velliaris & Willis, 2014, Korpela, 2016; Zittoun, Levitan & Cangiá, 2018). Parents reported that their families had become stronger and more cohesive as a result of a globally mobile lifestyle (McLachlan, 2007; Zittoun, Levitan & Cangiá, 2018), thus highlighting positive family transitions (MMT theory). Indeed, McLachlan (2007) found that parents created opportunities for growth through undertaking family-based activities, in addition to spending time with other internationally mobile families in the international school community. A critique of the study, however, was the small sample of fathers interviewed (four fathers and forty-one mothers), hence limited conclusions can be drawn regarding their experiences. Further, Zittoun Levitan & Cangiá (2018) conducted a mixed methods study in Switzerland and reported that the family acted as a resource in an emergency situation. As one family member experienced negative health transitions (major illness), the family unit seemed to be experiencing positive social and psychological transitions as they reported becoming a much stronger and closer family unit (MMT theory).

Three studies talked about the factors which made expatriation an attractive option for their families (Velliaris & Willis, 2014; Korpela, 2016; Zittoun, Levitan & Cangiá, 2018). Zittoun, Levitan & Cangiá (2018) found parents deemed Switzerland attractive due to career opportunities and salary, as well as an attractive place for families to live (e.g. transportation, healthcare and education). Similarly, Velliaris & Willis (2014) observed that international parents (n = 9) in Tokyo were attracted to the city, not only for career and financial reasons but also due to the social and educational benefits for their children. It is, however, unclear from these studies, whether such social and financial advantages helped facilitate a positive transition experience or whether they were the main reasons for undertaking the assignment in the first place. It is therefore of merit for studies to capture the pre-departure expectations of families in transition.

In contrast to the aforementioned studies, Korpela (2016) observed that parents in her study were not employed by multinational companies with expatriate benefits. She reported that parents moved to Goa for a better quality of life and to raise their children in an open-minded community, away from the cultural and social practices of their native countries. It is important to note that whilst she conducted one of the very few longitudinal studies in the field, her study lacked an underpinning theoretical background, alongside neglecting the pre-departure expectations of families.

McLachlan (2007) found that parents reported feelings of guilt regarding the family decision to move abroad. In particular, fathers struggled to find a balance between work demand and family commitments while mothers stopped working and took on traditional parenting roles. Parents supported grieving children, worrying about their children’s emotional security development and becoming a ‘counsellor’ as they developed new friendships. A shortcoming of this study, however, is that only ‘traditional’ type families participated, and other types of family units were excluded. Furthermore, the study did not provide any insight into individual family characteristics, which would have improved understanding of not only the family’s transitions experience but also the impact of transition on them and the factors which help facilitate a successful transition.

There was some evidence that the spouse experienced strain and loneliness when moving to a new country. Zittoun, Levitan & Cangiá (2018) worked with 29 families but analysed one family’s transition experiences in detail and found that the mother was distressed and lonely during the initial months moving to Switzerland due to having limited German language skills. In contrast, the father’s professional and domestic proximal spheres of experience were reported to be relatively stable across the various international moves. Their study is useful as it offers a multi-informant perspective of family transition, although it fails to consider any evidence of the potential impact of transition on family wellbeing.

Similarly, in a more comprehensive study examining the relationship between family flexibility and the stressors experienced by the working expatriate (n = 111), spouses (n = 15) and children (n = 7, ages 14–18), Rosenbusch & Cseh (2012) highlighted the multi-dimensional nature of transitions. They observed that the spouse was concerned with organising family life, finding a job, learning the culture and language of the host country, and felt isolated in the absence of a professional identity. Meanwhile ‘working’ expatriates found it challenging to understand and communicate with new colleagues and experienced a demanding new workload, alongside balancing family commitments. Relationships were cited as a common challenge for the entire expatriate family, namely the difficulty of building new friendships and maintaining contact with old friends. The disconnect from old friends and family contributed to feelings of loneliness, particularly for the spouse. It is worth noting, however, that the study did not take into account that a family arriving in the US after six months is unlikely to share the same experiences as an expatriate family who has lived in the same country for three years. By grouping families together, they failed to appreciate the importance of individual family characteristics in explaining international adjustment.

Adams & Fleer (2015) talked about an expatriate family moving to Malaysia who appeared to be experiencing multiple transitions. They observed that whilst the mother enjoyed the expatriate lifestyle, she struggled with the regular and long absence of her working husband, particularly setting up a new life in a different country with young children. The mother reported finding the whole moving process a challenge. Educational transitions for her children seemed to impact and interact with transitions within her psychological domain as the mother appeared to worry about her children making friends and settling into life in Malaysia. The mother reported requiring additional support when her husband returned from his travels. However, her expectation was left unmet as her husband needed extra sleep, leading to disappointment for both the mother and children, hence highlighting multi-dimensional transitions due to the father’s professional transitions.

Nette & Hayden (2007) reported that making new friends and becoming familiar with the physical aspects of school all contributed to children’s sense of belonging and facilitated their intercultural adjustment. However, the study did not explain which physical aspects of the school were important to the children. Similarly, Lijadi & van Schalkwyk (2014) talked about how international schools became stable contexts for the ATCKs in their study as the school allowed for the possibility to share experiences and make new friends. Furthermore, Sears (2011) found 48 students (ages 8–17) at an international school in France gained confidence and comfort joining a school community where their mobile lifestyle was considered normal. She observed that students understood the need to be open to making new friends as well as welcoming new students, which facilitated a smoother transition. Adams (2016) also found making new friends to be central to young expatriate children’s successful transition. In her case study, she observed that Western parents placed high priority on arranging play dates to facilitate a positive experience. In addition, Dixon & Hayden (2008) found that children reported adopting strategies to cope with parting friends. They observed that children employed strategies for developing less meaningful friendships, as a result of multiple transitions.

Other small-scale studies reported children using belongings as a symbolic anchor to facilitate international transition. For example, Adams & Fleer (2015) focused on the importance of children’s belongings as objects that facilitate international transition and suggested that parents pay close attention to children’s belongings when moving abroad. Comparably, Zittoun, Levitan & Cangiá, (2018) found children who experience multiple international transition may become very attached to places and anecdotic objects that act as symbolic resources.

There was evidence that family-related issues (notably the family and spouse adjustment) directly impacted the success of international assignments (Rosenbusch & Cseh, 2012; Lazarova, McNulty & Semeniuk, 2015), highlighting the multi-dimensional nature of transitions. For example, in their large-scale study examining 656 expatriate family members, Lazarova, McNulty & Semeniuk (2015) found a key characteristic of the successful moveable family was a solid relationship between the partners and where the family unit was considered “water-tight”. Rosenbusch & Cseh (2012) identified family flexibility as key to facilitating a successful cross-cultural transition experience during a web-based survey involving 111 expatriates, 15 spouses, seven adolescents (ages 14–18) conducted in the USA. Moreover, in an experimental study examining the relationship between family characteristics and intercultural adjustment of expatriate children across 21 countries (n = 104, ages 8–18), Van der Zee, Ali & Haaksma (2007) found children from highly cohesive families demonstrated greater adjustment ability than children from low cohesive families. Expatriate work satisfaction was also shown to significantly impact children’s adjustment and influence their feelings towards the host country. Similarly, in a longitudinal study by Zittoun, Levitan & Cangiá, (2018), the authors found that the family became a resource in the case of an emergency and an anchor in a distal experience (e.g. grandparents’ home).

Lazarova, McNulty & Semeniuk (2015) reported that the successful moveable family possessed the following characteristics: adventurous spirit, communication skills that involved sharing and active listening, family commitment to the move, a sense of humour, a conscious effort to socialise outside of the family unit, a family where all members are treated as important and come first in family decisions. On the other hand, Van der Zee, Ali & Haaksma (2007) talked about specific personality traits and attachment styles in facilitating a positive transition experience. They found that children with personality traits comprising emotional stability and those with secure attachment styles exhibited the strongest predictors of a successful adjustment. However, none of the studies addressing the facilitating factors of transition provided any insight whether the parents in the studies experienced a mobile upbringing as this would have likely influenced their own child’s transition experience.